RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY

RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY #484
. . ---March 7, 1996---
. . HEADLINES:
. . EPA'S FEEBLE ENFORCEMENT
. . ==========
. . Environmental Research Foundation
. . P.O. Box 5036, Annapolis, MD 21403
. . Fax (410) 263-8944; Internet: erf@rachel.clark.net
.

CITIZENS COULD IMPROVE FEEBLE ENFORCEMENT AT U.S. ENVIRONMENTAL PROTECTION AGENCY

by William Sanjour[1]

So-called "conservatives" in this Congress have targeted the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) for the largest percentage cuts of any federal agency (other than those they want to eliminate entirely). And even though they have backed down a bit in response to polls showing public support for environmental legislation, they still are urging huge cuts --up to 50% --in the one area they seem to hate the most, which is enforcement. Ironically, grass-roots environmentalists also have a low opinion of EPA's enforcement record but for different reasons.[2] When Congress savages a program that is already viewed as dismal, communities can look forward to little or no environmental enforcement unless something is done to replace or augment the agency's feeble enforcement program.

The best source of information on corporate lawbreaking is often the company's own employees. When it comes to reporting violations of environmental laws these so-called "whistleblowers" offer many advantages over hired enforcement officials:

** They know what's really going on and where the skeletons are buried.

** They are not easily snowed by management the way government officials often are.

** Unlike hired enforcement agents, they and their families live and work exposed to the pollution produced when environmental laws are violated.

** Workers can witness violations at night and on weekends when hired enforcement officials are not normally on the job.

** Whistleblowers cost the taxpayers nothing.

For these reasons, Congress recognized the unique position of workers to monitor and report violations of environmental law, noting in its conference report on the 1977 Clean Air Act [P.L. 95-95]: "The best source of information about what a company is actually doing or not doing is often its own employees...."[3]

Of course workers do not usually come forward when they witness corporate violations because they fear losing their jobs or being harassed and persecuted by management and even by their co-workers.

To stimulate whistleblowing by employees, Congress has included nearly identical whistleblower protection provisions in almost all major environmental laws, including the Clean Air Act; the Safe Drinking Water Act; the Solid Waste Disposal Act; the Water Pollution Control Act; the Toxic Substances Control Act; and the Comprehensive Environmental Response, Compensation, and Liability Act (Superfund).

The whistleblower provisions in these six acts were crafted to encourage and protect both government AND PRIVATE INDUSTRY employees, who report violations of environmental, health and safety regulations. Congress also mandated that employees who blow the whistle should be protected from retaliation, harassment, intimidation, and other forms of discrimination by their employers. Harassed whistleblowers can (and do) file suits with the Department of Labor to end harassment, restore their jobs, and be reimbursed for legal fees and even collect damages.

The main reason more whistleblowers have not come forward is because the vast majority of people are unaware of the protection available to them. EPA has made no attempt to implement the whistleblower protection provisions of the statutes. As a result, corporate employees and corporate management are ignorant of these provisions, and so are EPA and state officials. Likewise, awareness of state whistleblower protection laws, which often have longer statutes of limitations and other benefits unavailable under federal law, is all but nonexistent.

EPA's responsibilities under these acts mirror those of other agencies which rely upon the free flow of information between employee-whistleblowers and a regulatory agency to protect the public interest. For example, the U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission (NRC) has nearly identical responsibilities for protecting employee-whistleblowers under the Energy Reorganization Act as does EPA under the Solid Waste Disposal Act. In July, 1993 the NRC established a review team to "reassess the NRC's program for protecting allegers [i.e., whistleblowers] against retaliation." The review team issued its comprehensive report in January, 1994.[4] The NRC has undertaken a broad program to implement Congressional mandates and requirements concerning the protection of whistleblowers. Furthermore, the NRC has undertaken various administrative actions to regulate the processing of whistleblowers' allegations.

By contrast, in the environmental area, there is the almost universal ignorance within the federal and state EPAs, the workforce and even among environmental organizations, labor unions and the legal community itself, regarding the whistleblower protection provisions available under the six acts. Even investigators in the EPA's Office of the Inspector General (which is charged with protecting whistleblowers), are unaware of these provisions. Employee-whistleblowers who call the state or federal EPA are often shunted around to different offices because nobody has been trained in what to do with them. They are usually not informed of their right of anonymity or their right to be protected from harassment or firing by their employer BECAUSE THE EPA PERSON THEY ARE TALKING TO IS UNAWARE OF THESE RIGHTS. Unlike nuclear facilities regulated by the NRC, there is no notice on employee bulletin boards of facilities regulated by EPA outlining whistleblower rights under the law and how to obtain them.

A review of the NRC report reveals the kinds of actions an administrative agency should take to implement employee-whistleblower procedures and regulations:

** Allegations of safety concerns by employee-whistleblowers are reviewed by technical staff and an "Allegation Review Board" pursuant to a Management Directive. EPA has no such procedure. EPA has not established any guidelines for regional offices or headquarters to use in reviewing allegations by employee-whistleblowers. Furthermore, there is no oversight or monitoring of state actions taken in response to employee concerns.

The NRC has published formal regulations on employee-whistleblower protection.[5] EPA has failed to formulate any such regulations.

The NRC regulations require that employers provide notice to their employees of "their right to raise concerns about potential violations or safety concerns," how to raise such a concern with the U.S. government and "how to file a complaint" with the U.S. Department of Labor if the employee believes that he or she was discriminated against for raising a safety concern.[6] EPA has taken no action to ensure that employees know how to file a safety complaint with EPA. Likewise, the agency has taken no steps to ensure that employees are aware of the law forbidding discrimination against them for raising a concern with EPA.

The NRC takes enforcement action against employers who attempt to interfere with the free flow of information to the government from employee-whistleblowers.[7] EPA has no regulations providing for such enforcement action.

The NRC has taken action against employment contracts or settlement agreements which prohibit the free flow of information between employees and the government.[8] EPA has not taken any action regarding the problems related to restrictive contracts in the area of environmental enforcement.

What Can Be Done?

The NRC did not take action out of a sense of duty or public spirit. It took action only after Congress investigated NRC's egregious handling of health and safety complaints by nuclear power plant workers. My observation is that EPA is equally shabby in its treatment of whistleblowers. But since environmental pollution does not arouse the same fear in the public as nuclear radiation does, Congress has never shown the same interest in forcing EPA to implement its whistleblower protection provisions as it did with the NRC. And this Congress will be even less interested than previous ones.

Therefore it is up to the environmental movement, particularly the people who have the most to lose from the lack of environmental enforcement, i.e. community grass-roots groups, to pressure EPA to implement these laws. Fortunately citizens are aided by the fact that this is a presidential election year and, at least until Novem-ber 5th, President Clinton and EPA Administrator Carol Browner are courting the environmental movement in order to contrast themselves with the anti-environmental Congress.

The EPA Administrator has the authority to require notices to be posted in all EPA-regulated workplaces:

** encouraging workers to report violations of environmental laws;

** informing them whom to notify;

** advising them of their right of anonymity and their right to be protected from retaliation; and

** advising them of where and when they should seek redress if they are retaliated against.

This and many of the other provisions implemented by the NRC could be implemented by EPA without any act of Congress and without any additional funding. Just as the NRC has learned, EPA can, for zero cost, get better enforcement than it is losing by Congressional budget cuts. But EPA is not going to do this voluntarily. Like the NRC, EPA would need to feel pressure from citizens before it would make its enforcement more efficient and effective by encouraging whistleblowers.

=============== [1] William Sanjour, an associate of Environmental Research Foundation, is a long time employee of U.S. Environmental Protection Agency where he has often blown the whistle on corrupt practices within the agency. With attorney Stephen M. Kohn [National Whistleblower Center, Washington, DC; phone: (202) 667-2075], he co-authored ENVIRONMENTAL WHISTLEBLOWERS: AN ENDANGERED SPECIES (Annapolis, Md.: Environmental Research Foundation, February, 1994), providing suggestions for strengthening the nation's whistle blower protections. His other published work includes the 3-part series, ANNALS OF THE EPA (PART 1. WHO POLICES THE POLICEMAN?, July, 1991; PART 2. WHY EPA IS LIKE IT IS AND WHAT CAN BE DONE ABOUT IT, February 1992; and PART 3. AN ODOR LIKE A SKUNK DIPPED IN CREOSOTE AND BURNED: EPA'S REGULATION OF COMMERCIAL HAZARDOUS WASTE INCINERATORS, January, 1993), all published by Environmental Research Foundation, Annapolis, Md. 21403; phone: (410) 263-1584.

[2] Citizens know from experience that EPA's record of enforcement is poor and getting worse. See, for example, William Sanjour's publication, AN ODOR LIKE A SKUNK DIPPED IN CREOSOTE AND BURNED: EPA'S REGULATION OF COMMERCIAL HAZARDOUS WASTE INCINERATORS cited above in note 1. The newsletter INSIDE EPA reported November 3, 1995, pg. 16, that the number of enforcement actions taken by EPA in 1995 was 208, compared to 428 actions taken in 1994.

[3] UNITED STATES CODE U.S. CONGRESSIONAL AND ADMINISTRATION NEWS (St. Paul, Minn.: West Publishing, 1977) pg. 1404.

[4] James Lieberman and others, REPORT OF THE REVIEW TEAM FOR REASSESSMENT OF THE NRC'S PROGRAM FOR PROTECTING ALLEGERS AGAINST RETALIATION (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Nuclear Regulatory Commission, January 7, 1994).

[5] See, for example, the following sections of the CODE OF FEDERAL REGULATIONS (CFR): 10 CFR 30.7, 40.7, 50.7, 60.9, 61.9, 70.7 and 72.10.

[6] Lieberman, cited above in note 4, pg. I.C-10.

[7] Lieberman, cited above in note 4, pgs. I.C-10, I.C-11.)

[8] Lieberman, cited above in note 4, pg. App. B-5-6.)

Descriptor terms: environmental protection agency; epa; william sanjour; whistleblowing; whistleblowers; enforcement; violations; clean air act; nrc; clear water act; safe drinking water act; sdwa; cwa; caa; toxic substances control act; tsca; cercla; superfund; lawsuits; department of labor; dol; solid waste disposal act; swda;

           RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY #482           .
.                   ---February 22, 1996---                     .
.                         HEADLINES:                            .
.                    THE PESTICIDE FAILURE                      .
.                          ==========                           .

THE PESTICIDE FAILURE

According to the FBI, rifle fire was responsible for 723 homicides in the U.S. in 1994.[1] Assault rifles are a subclass of rifles, so homicides by assault rifle must number fewer than 723. The exact number is not known because no government agency keeps national statistics on assault-weapon-related crimes. However, based on state and municipal surveys, and police records, several scholars and advocates have estimated that assault rifles are used in about 1% of all homicides, which would make them responsible for about 250 deaths in the U.S. each year.[2] In an effort to save these 250 lives, Congress in August, 1994, banned the sale of assault rifles.[3]

Assault rifles kill an estimated 250 people each year and pesticides kill an estimated 10,400 people each year (see REHW #481), yet assault rifles have been banned while the use of pesticides is expanding. How does such a thing happen?

Could it be because assault-weapon opponents called for a ban and mobilized for a ban, whereas most pesticide opponents have never taken such a clear, firm position? For years, most anti-pesticide activists have worked to restrict the use of pesticides through regulations based on good science. As a general strategy these activists have argued that 6 parts per million (ppm) is safe but 8 ppm is not, and they have successfully urged legislators and regulators to adopt this case-by-case, incremental approach. This general strategy, weighing the hazards of 6-vs-8-ppm, has now been embodied in a dozen major environmental laws, including the nation's pesticide laws, and has given rise to a new industry called "risk assessment." Major universities now have programs dedicated to teaching bright young scientists how to argue that 6 (or 8) ppm creates an "acceptable risk" (or an "unacceptable risk," depending on who is paying for the study).

As a tactic, for 25 years most anti-pesticide activists have written long reports proving that less is better. As a result, they have occasionally gotten their message into the back pages of the newspapers. These activists can point to risk assessments showing that pesticides are dangerous in many ways--dangerous to the people who eat pesticide residues on their food, especially children; dangerous to farmers and farm workers, and their families; and dangerous to wildlife. Unfortunately, none of this has done much good. Legislators and regulators have adopted the 6-vs-8-ppm approach, yet pesticide use has continued to increase in the U.S., and is rocketing upwards worldwide.

It is easy to show that pesticides are dangerous. There is a large body of scientific literature to point to. But it doesn't matter. The agrichemical corporations are more persuasive than the activists. The corporations spend huge sums re-electing members of Congress and "communicating" to the public that pesticidal poisons (or "crop protection tools," as they are known in the industry) have never harmed anyone. Their linchpin argument is a scare: the cost of food would go through the roof without pesticides. (Never mind that this economic argument is bogus. Since the early 1930s the federal government has maintained a 'price support' program, paying farmers not to grow certain crops, intending to keep the price of food artificially high, because American agriculture is so productive that, without price supports, the abundance of crops, coupled with the law of supply and demand, would drive the price of food so low that many farmers couldn't survive, which might endanger the nation's food supply.)

In any case, the public hears from industry that pesticides are essential. Life would be impossible without them, we are told. The public knows in its bones that pesticide residues are dangerous, and many people can remember a time when relatively few pesticides were used to grow the nation's food. Nevertheless, the anti-pesticide movement has never caught the public's imagination, chiefly because of a rigid adherence to the regulatory strategy. (One noteworthy exception is the case of the toxic growth-regulator, Alar, in which the Natural Resources Defense Council [NRDC] took its message to the public via TV using Meryl Streep, the movie star, as a spokesperson. Facing CBS News cameras, Streep said that Alar --a cancer-causing chemical --was measurable in apple juice bottled for children. (This alarming news was true. And EPA [U.S. Environmental Protection Agency] has since reaffirmed its conclusion that Alar is carcinogenic.) Streep's appearance on CBS created a public outcry against Alar, followed almost immediately by a voluntary abandonment of Alar by the apple-growing industry, which has continued to grow apples profitably without Alar ever since. The food industry retaliated by suing both CBS News and NRDC. The food industry lost these lawsuits, but their publicity machine still managed to leave the impression in most peoples' minds that the Alar "scare" was not justified by the facts. Right-wing organizations, such as the Council for the Advancement of Science Writing, have promoted this impression in the minds of journalists, who have spread it to the public. As a result, NRDC and others of like mind felt burned and have now generally stopped taking their case directly to the public. They are back to debating 6-vs-8-ppm with the corporate PR-scientists and their acolytes within EPA.)

Simply put, activists cut the pesticide issue in ways that don't get the general public fired up. The public can't get involved in a discussion of 6-vs-8-ppm. Even if the details of the argument were understandable to most people, which they are not, the goal of achieving 6 instead of 8 parts of poison in your soup doesn't seem interesting, exciting, or worth much effort. This leaves the debate in the hands of professional environmentalists and professional PR-scientists employed by the chemical and food corporations. These groups both make hefty salaries debating each other, while the public continues to be poisoned bit by bit without knowing what's going on.

Isn't it time the anti-pesticide "movement" recognized that its past efforts have failed because its strategies, its tactics and even its goals have been ill chosen? Likewise, isn't it time that some of the groups trying to stop the use of bovine growth hormone (known as RBGH or BST) learned the same lesson: debating risk and advocating better regulation or labeling simply hasn't worked AND CAN'T WORK. The public can't get excited about this approach, and without support from a goodly (and vocal) portion of the public, no anti-pesticide or anti-growth-hormone-in-milk campaign can succeed. This all seems obvious, yet for 25 years the 6-vs-8-ppm approach has been tried and tried and tried again. An entire generation of environmental scientist-lawyer-activists has raised families and put its children through college pursuing this failed strategy, working to achieve goals hardly worth achieving. In recent years large private foundations have been funding yet another "pesticide coalition" to pursue the 6-vs-8-ppm strategy with renewed vigor. This coalition is spending bundles of money, diverting the energies of the activist community (especially the grass-roots activists, who are wasting time AND losing funding to the big enviro groups as they participate together in the coalition), and preventing better approaches from being tried. Whether they recognize it or not, these foundations have put themselves and their coalition partners on the same page with the pesticide corporations, who thrive and prosper so long as the debate is restricted to 6-vs-8-ppm. Meanwhile the coalition's knowledgeable activists seem reluctant to point out that this emperor is parading in the buff.

The growing group of people who want to get dioxin out of the food supply (see REHW #479) need to examine these histories. The problem of pesticides and the problem of dioxin have similar features. How do people get dioxin into their bodies? According to EPA, we get about 90% of our daily dioxin dose by consuming meat, fish and dairy products (milk, cream, cheese, ice cream, ice milk, etc.).[4]

The source of 95% of the dioxin in our food is incinerators, according to EPA officials.[5] One obvious goal, therefore, should be to shut down all incinerators. (An alternative is to phase out chlorine as an industrial feed stock because chlorine gives rise to dioxin when it finds its way into an incinerator. This is a far larger goal, but would provide many additional benefits.) And who should be advocating for these goals? The food industry, of course. But they're not, because activists have not focused public attention on the very real dangers of dioxin in food. If the food industry were to feel some heat, some loss of profits, because of the deadly dioxin in the food they're selling, they would be motivated to go after the sources of dioxin. Suddenly the anti-dioxin movement would have some new, powerful (though uncomfortable), allies. It would be a new day. --Peter Montague

===============

[1] Federal Bureau of Investigation, U.S. Department of Justice UNIFORM CRIME REPORTS FOR THE UNITED STATES 1994 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1995), Table 2.10 on pg. 18.

[2] See David B. Kopel, "Assault Weapons," in David B. Kopel, editor, GUNS; WHO SHOULD HAVE THEM? (Amherst, N.Y.: Prometheus Books, 1995), pgs. 159-232; and see David B. Kopel, "Statement of David B. Kopel," ASSAULT WEAPONS: A VIEW FROM THE FRONT LINES; HEARING BEFORE THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE, ONE HUNDRED THIRD CONGRESS, ON S. 639... AND S. 653... AUGUST 3, 1993, SERIAL NO. J-103-25 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1994), pgs. 86-90; see also pgs. 128 and 132 which are a reprint of pages from Gary Kleck, POINT BLANK; GUNS AND VIOLENCE IN AMERICA (New York: Aldine De Gruyter, date unknown [1992? 1993?]). Kleck is a professor at Florida State University in Tallahassee. Kopel is employed by the Cato Institute in D.C. And see Edward C. Ezell, "Testimony to be delivered to the Constitution Subcommittee, Senate Committee on the Judiciary, May 10, 1989," in ASSAULT WEAPONS, HEARINGS BEFORE THE SUBCOMMITTEE ON THE CONSTITUTION OF THE COMMITTEE ON THE JUDICIARY, UNITED STATES SENATE, ONE HUNDRED FIRST CONGRESS, FIRST SESSION, ON S. 386... AND S. 474 FEBRUARY 10 AND MAY 5, 1989, SERIAL NO. J-101-1 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1990), pgs. 384-393. When he testified, Ezell was Curator of the National Firearms Collection at the Smithsonian Institution's National Museum of American History. See also Kathleen Maguire and Ann L. Pastore, editors, SOURCEBOOK OF CRIMINAL JUSTICE STATISTICS -1994 [U.S. Department of Justice, Office of Justice Programs, Bureau of Justice Statistics NCJ-154591] (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1995), Table 3-99 on pg. 318. And, finally, see Council on Scientific Affairs, American Medical Association "Assault Weapons as a Public Health Hazard in the United States," JOURNAL OF THE AMERICAN MEDICAL ASSOCIATION Vol. 267 No. 22 (June 10, 1992), pgs. 3067-3070.

[3] Details of the ban are discussed in Jeffrey Y. Muchnick, "The Assault Weapons Ban--Saving Lives," UNIVERSITY OF DAYTON LAW REVIEW Vol. 20 No. 2 (Winter 1995), pgs. 641-651.

[4] Michael J. DeVito and others, "Comparisons of Estimated Human Body Burdens of Dioxinlike Chemicals and TCDD Body Burdens in Experimentally Exposed Animals," ENVIRONMENTAL HEALTH PERSPECTIVES Vol. 103, No. 9 (September, 1995), pgs. 820-831.

[5] Lynn Goldman, "Statement of Lynn Goldman, M.D., Assistant Administrator for Prevention, Pesticides and Toxics, U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, September 13, 1994." (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Environmental Protection Agency, September 13, 1994), gives the 95% figure.

Descriptor terms: mortality statistics; pesticides; assault rifles; risk assessment; agriculture; farming; alar; nrdc; meryl streep; apples; dioxin strategy; food safety;

NOTICE

Environmental Research Foundation provides this electronic version of RACHEL'S ENVIRONMENT & HEALTH WEEKLY free of charge even though it costs our organization considerable time and money to produce it. We would like to continue to provide this service free. You could help by making a tax-deductible contribution (anything you can afford, whether $5.00 or $500.00). Please send your contribution to: Environmental Research Foundation, P.O. Box 5036, Annapolis, MD 21403-7036. --Peter Montague, Editor

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